庞蒂论自由 520

庞蒂论自由 520

Provided that this is so, there can be situations, a direction* of history,
and a historical truth: three ways of saying the same thing. If
indeed I made myself into a worker or a bourgeois by an absolute
initiative, and if in general terms nothing ever courted our freedom,
history would display no structure, no event would be seen to take
shape in it, and anything might emerge from anything else. There
would be no British Empire as a relatively stable historical form to
which a name can be given, and in which certain probable properties
are recognizable.

只要情况是这样,有时会有一些情况,历史的方向,历史的真理。以三种方式来说相同的事情。假如,我的确让我自己成为工人或布尔乔亚,凭借绝对的创议。假如用通常的术语,没有一样东西追求我们的自由,历史就不会展示任何的结果,没有任何事件将会被看见,在历史里面成形。每样东西将会从任何别的东西出现。将不会有英国的帝国,作为能够被给予名字的比较稳定的历史的形式。以这样的形式,某些可能的属性能够被体认出来。

There would not be, in the history of social progress,
revolutionary situations or periods of set-back. A social revolution
would be equally possible at any moment, and one might reasonably
expect a despot to undergo conversion to anarchism. History would
never move in any direction, nor would it be possible to say that even
over a short period of time events were conspiring to produce any
definite outcome.

在社会进步的历史,将不会有革命的情况或挫折的时期。社会的革命在任何时刻都将是同样地可能。我们很有理由预期一位暴君经历转变成为无政府主义者。历史永远不会朝任何方向移动。我们也不可能说,事件共谋要产生任何明确的结果,即使是短暂时期。

The statesman would always be an adventurer, that is
to say, he would turn events to his own advantage by conferring upon
them a meaning which they did not have. Now if it is true that history is
powerless to complete anything independently of consciousnesses
which assume it and thereby decide its course, and if consequently it
can never be detached from us to play the part of an alien force using us
for its own ends, then precisely because it is always history lived through we
cannot withhold from it at least a fragmentary meaning. Something is
being prepared which will perhaps come to nothing but which may,
for the moment, conform to the adumbrations of the present.

政治家将总是冒险家。换句话说,他将事件转变成为对自己有利益,凭借赋予它们原先并没有具有的意义。现在,假如历史确实没有力量完成任何独立于意识的东西,这个意识假定它,因此决定它的途径,假如结果历史永远无法跟我们隔离,扮演外来力量的角色,使用我们充当它的目的,那么,确实是因为它总是被经历过的历史,我们无法从它支持至少是一个片刻的意义。某件东西正在被凖备,这个东西或许并没有意义,但是暂时地,它跟目前的先兆是一致的。

Nothing
can so order it that, in the France of 1799, a military power ‘above
classes’ should not appear as a natural product of the ebb of revolution,
and that the role of military dictator should not here be ‘a part that has
to be played’. It is Bonaparte’s project, known to us through its realization,
which causes us to pass such a judgement.

没有一样东西能够如此命令它,以致于在1799年的法国,军事的力量,上层阶级)不应该出现,作为是革命退潮的自然产物,军事独裁者不应该在此成为「必须被扮演的角色」。那是拿破仑的计谋,众所周知,由于它的实现,引起我们给予如此的判断。

But before Bonaparte,
Dumouriez, Custine and others had envisaged it, and this common
tendency has to be accounted for. What is known as the significance of
events is not an idea which produces them, or the fortuitous result of
their occurring together. It is the concrete project of a future which is
elaborated within social coexistence and in the One* before any personal
decision is made.

但是,在拿破仑之前,杜莫瑞斯,丘庭与其他人,都曾经拟想过它。这个共同的倾向必须被解释。众所周知的事件的意义,并不是产生它们的点子,或是它们一并发生的偶然的结果。它是一个未来的具体的计划,在社会的共同存在里面被构想,在任何个人的决定被做之前的这个「整体」。

At the point of revolutionary history to which
class dynamics had carried it by 1799, when neither the Revolution
could be carried forward nor the clock put back, the situation was such
that, all due reservations as to individual freedom having been made,
each individual, through the functional and generalized existence
which makes a historical subject of him, tended to fall back upon what
had been acquired.

在革命的历史的时刻,在1799年之前,阶级的动力曾经带领它到革命的历史。既不是革命能够被带领前景,也不是时钟能够倒转,当时的情境是这样,关于个人的自由,各种合适的保留都曾经被做,每个个人,倾向于依靠所曾经被获得的东西,经由功能性与一般性的存在,让他成为历史的主体。

It would have been a historical mistake at that stage
to suggest to them either a resumption of the methods of revolutionary
government or a reversion to the social conditions of 1789, not
because there is a truth of history independent of our projects and
evaluations, which are always free, but because there is an average and
statistical significance of these projects. Which means that we confer
upon history its significance, but not without its putting that significance
forward itself. The Sinngebung is not merely centrifugal, which is
why the subject of history is not the individual. There is an exchange
between generalized and individual existence, each receiving and
giving something.

假如我们当时跟他们建议重新採有革命政府的方法,或倒转回1789年的社会的情况,在那个阶段而言,那本来会是一个历史的错误。倒不是因为有一个独立于我们的计划与评估之外的历史的真理,它们总是自由的。而是因为这些计划有一个平均与统计上的重要性。这意味着,我们赋予历史它的重要性,但是还是难免将这个重要性朝向历史的本身。Sinngebung不仅是离心力,这就是为什么历史的主体并不是个人。在一般性与个人的存在之间,有一个交换,每一个都接收与给予某件东西。

There is a moment at which the significance which
was foreshadowed in the One, and which was merely a precarious
possibility threatened by the contingency of history, is taken up by an
individual. It may well happen that now, having taken command of
history, he leads it, for a time at least, far beyond what seemed to
comprise its significance, and involves it in a fresh dialectic, as when
Bonaparte, from being Consul, made himself Emperor and conqueror.

有一个时刻,这个重要性已经有先兆,在这个「整体」,并且仅是一个不稳定的可能性,受到历史的偶然性所威胁,被个人所从事。很可能发生的是,现在,已经掌控历史之后,他引导它,至少有一段时间,远超过似乎组成它的重要性的东西,并且牵涉它,以一个新鲜的辩证法。当拿破仑从领事,让自己成为皇帝与征服者。

We are not asserting that history from end to end has only one meaning,
any more than has an individual life. We mean simply that in any
case freedom modifies it only by taking up the meaning which history
was offering at the moment in question, and by a kind of unobtrusive
assimilation. On the strength of this proposal made by the present, the
adventurer can be distinguished from the statesman, historical imposture
from the truth of an epoch, with the result that our assessment of
the past, though never arriving at absolute objectivity, is at the same
time never entitled to be arbitrary.

我们并不是主张,历史从头到尾都仅有一个意义。正如个人的生活也不是。我们的意思仅是,无论如何,自由仅是凭借从事意义来修改意义。历史在受到质疑的时刻提供意义,并且凭借某种没有遮拦的吸收。凭借目前所做的这个建议,冒险家能够跟政治家区分开来,将历史的欺骗跟时代的真理区别开来。结果是,我们对于过去的评估,虽然没有达到绝对的客观性,同时从来没有被判定为任意性。

雄伯译
32hsiung@pchome.com.tw
https://springhero.wordpress.com

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