庞蒂论自由 518

庞蒂论自由 518

Idealism (like objective thought) bypasses true intentionality, which is at its object rather than positing it. Idealism overlooks the interrogative, the subjunctive, the aspiration,
the expectation, the positive indeterminacy of these modes of consciousness,
for it is acquainted only with consciousness in the present
or future indicative, which is why it fails to account for class. For class
is a matter neither for observation nor decree; like the appointed order
of the capitalistic system, like revolution, before being thought it is
lived through as an obsessive presence, as possibility, enigma and
myth.

理想主义(就像客观思想)绕过真实的意图性。这个真实的意图些朝着它的目标,而不是提出它。理想主义忽略这个质疑,这个假设,这个渴望,这个期望,意识的这些模式的积极的不决定。因为它仅是用目前或未来的指示灯意识来获得。这就是为什么它无法解释阶级。因为阶级既不是观察,也不是命令的事情。就像资本主义的系统的被指定的秩序,就像革命,在被思考之前,它被生活经历,作为一种著魔的存在,作为可能性,谜团与神话。

To make class-consciousness the outcome of a decision and a
choice is to say that problems are solved on the day they are posed, that
every question already contains the reply that it awaits; it is, in short, to
revert to immanence and abandon the attempt to understand history.
In reality, the intellectual project and the positing of ends are merely
the bringing to completion of an existential project. It is I who give a
direction, significance and future to my life, but that does not mean
that these are concepts; they spring from my present and past and in
particular from my mode of present and past coexistence.

为了让阶级意识成为决定与选择的结果,等于是说,问题在它们被提出的那一天被解救,每个问题已经包括它等待的回答。总之,那是要回转到内在性,并且放弃想要理解现实的历史的企图。在现实界,知识的计划于目标的提出仅仅就是将现存的计划予以完成。将方向,意义,与未来给予我的生活的人是我,但是这并不意味着,这些东西都是观念。它们起源于我的目前与过去,特别是起源于我的现在与过去的共同-实存的模式。

Even in the
case of the intellectual who turns revolutionary, his decision does not
arise ex nihilo; it may follow upon a prolonged period of solitude: the
intellectual is in search of a doctrine which shall make great demands
on him and cure him of his subjectivity; or he may yield to the clear
light thrown by a Marxist interpretation of history, in which case he
has given knowledge pride of place in his life, and that in itself is
understandable only in virtue of his past and his childhood. Even the
decision to become a revolutionary without motive, and by an act of
pure freedom would express a certain way of being in the natural and
social world, which is typically that of the intellectual. He ‘throws in
his lot with the working class’ from the starting point of his situation as
an intellectual and from nowhere else (and this is why even fideism, in
his case, remains rightly suspect).

即使在知识份子转变成为革命份子的情况,他的决定仍然不是从空无中产生。它可能跟随在漫长的孤独的时期之后。知识份子正在寻找一种要求他从事的信念,这个信念能够治疗他的主观性,或者,他可能接受马克思的历史的解释的启蒙。在那个情况,他已经给予知识作为他生命的骄傲的位置。仅有凭借他的过去与他的童年,它本身才能够被理解。甚至有些决定成为革命份在,是没有动机,凭借纯粹自由的行动,这种决定表的某种的生命实存,在自然与社会的世界。这典型是知识份子的世界。他「投掷他的生命跟工人阶级同在」,从他的情境的出发点,作为一名知识份子,而不是从其他地方(这就是为什么在他的情况,即使是信仰主义也始终是可疑的。)

Now with the worker it is a fortiori the
case that his decision is elaborated in the course of his life. This time it
is through no misunderstanding that the horizon of a particular life
and revolutionary aims coincide: for the worker revolution is a more
immediate possibility, and one closer to his own interests than for the
intellectual, since he is at grips with the economic system in his very
life.

现在,就工人而言,更有理由是这种情况。在他的人生的过程,他的决定被建构。这次,特殊生活的视阔与革命的目标不谋而合,并不是经由误解。对于工人,革命是更加当下的可能。比起知识份子,革命更加靠近他的利益。因为他跟他的一生里的经济制度相搏斗。

For this reason there are, statistically, more workers than middle
class people in a revolutionary party. Motivation, of course, does not do
away with freedom. Working class parties of the most unmistakable kind have had many intellectuals among their leaders, and it is likely
that a man such as Lenin identified himself with revolution and eventually
transcended the distinction between intellectual and worker. But
these are the virtues proper to action and commitment; at the outset, I
am not an individual beyond class, I am situated in a social environment,
and my freedom, though it may have the power to commit me
elsewhere, has not the power to transform me instantaneously into
what I decide to be.

因为这个理由,统计数目上,在革命党里,工人的人数比中产阶级多。当然,动机并没有废除自由。即使是千真万确的工人阶级党派,都会有许多的知识份子充当他们的领导者。很有可能的事,诸如列宁这样的人认同于革命,最后超越知识份子与工人的区别。但是这些是作为行动与奉献的本体的品德。刚一开始,我并不是超越阶级的个人,我被定位在社会的环境里。我的自由,虽然具有让我奉献别处的力量,并没有具有瞬间将我转变成为我决定成为的人物的力量。

Thus to be a bourgeois or a worker is not only to
be aware of being one or the other, it is to identify oneself as worker or
bourgeois through an implicit or existential project which merges into
our way of patterning the world and co-existing with other people. My
decision draws together a spontaneous meaning of my life which it
may confirm or repudiate, but not annul. Both idealism and objective
thinking fail to pin down the coming into being of class consciousness,
the former because it deduces actual existence from consciousness, the
latter because it derives consciousness from de facto existence, and both
because they overlook the relationship of motivation.

因此,成为布尔乔亚或工人,不但是要知道前者或是后者,那就是要认同自己作为工人,或作为布尔乔亚,经由一个暗含或现存的计划。这个计划融入我们的方式,将这个世界定型及跟别人共存。我的决定将我的人生的自动自发的意义聚拢一块,它可能肯定,或排斥,但没有让它无效。理想主义与客观思想没有将阶级意识到逐渐产生固定下来。前者是因为它从意识推论出实际的存在。后者则是因为它从实际的存在里获得意识。两者都因为他们忽略动机的关联。

雄伯译
32hsiung@pchome.com.tw
https://springhero.wordpress.com

Leave a Reply

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in:

WordPress.com Logo

You are commenting using your WordPress.com account. Log Out /  Change )

Google photo

You are commenting using your Google account. Log Out /  Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out /  Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out /  Change )

Connecting to %s


%d bloggers like this: