庞蒂论自由 517

庞蒂论自由 517

Both find their journey’s end
in revolution, which would perhaps have terrified them had it been
described and represented to them in advance. One might say at the
most that revolution is at the end of the road they have taken and in
their projects in the form of ‘things must change’, which each one
experiences concretely in his distinctive difficulties and in the depths
of his particular prejudices. Neither the appointed order, nor the free
act which destroys it, is represented; they are lived through in ambiguity.


This does not mean that workers and peasants bring about revolution
without being aware of it, and that we have here blind, ‘elementary
forces’ cleverly exploited by a few shrewd agitators. It is possibly in this
light that the prefect of police will view history.


But such ways of
seeing things do not help him when faced with a genuine revolutionary
situation, in which the slogans of the alleged agitators are immediately
understood, as if by some pre-established harmony, and meet
with concurrence on all sides, because they crystallize what is latent in
the life of all productive workers.


The revolutionary movement, like the
work of the artist, is an intention which itself creates its instruments and its means of expression. The revolutionary project is not the result
of a deliberate judgement, or the explicit positing of an end. It is these
things in the case of the propagandist, because the propagandist has
been trained by the intellectual, or, in the case of the intellectual,
because he regulates his life on the basis of his thoughts.


But it does not
cease to be the abstract decision of a thinker and become a historical
reality until it is worked out in the dealings men have with each other,
and in the relations of the man to his job. It is, therefore, true that I
recognize myself as a worker or a bourgeois on the day I take my stand
in relation to a possible revolution, and that this taking of a stand is not
the outcome, through some mechanical causality, of my status as
workman or bourgeois (which is why all classes have their traitors),
but neither is it an unwarranted evaluation, instantaneous and
unmotivated; it is prepared by some molecular process, it matures in
co-existence before bursting forth into words and being related to
objective ends.


One is justified in drawing attention to the fact that it is
not the greatest poverty which produces the most clear-sighted revolutionaries,
but one forgets to ask why a return of prosperity frequently
brings with it a more radical mood among the masses. It is because the
easing of living conditions makes a fresh structure of social space possible:
the horizon is not restricted to the most immediate concerns,
there is economic play and room for a new project in relation to living.

我们很有理由提醒注意这个事实:并不是极度的贫穷 才产生明目张胆的革命。而是,我们忘记去询问,为什么繁荣的回转在大众眼中,经常随之带来更加激烈的情绪。这是因为生活情况的安逸让社会空间的更新结构成为可能。前途的展望并没有局限于日常生活所需。

This phenomenon does not, then, go to prove that the worker makes
himself into worker and revolutionary ex nihilo, but on the contrary that
he does so on a certain basis of co-existence. The mistake inherent in
the conception under discussion is, in general, that of disregarding all
but intellectual projects, instead of considering the existential project,
which is the polarization of a life towards a goal which is both
determinate and indeterminate, which, to the person concerned, is
entirely unrepresented, and which is recognized only on being
attained. Intentionality is brought down to the particular cases of the
objectifying acts, the proletarian condition is made an object of
thought, and no difficulty is experienced in showing, in accordance
with idealism’s permanent method, that, like every other object of
thought, it subsists only before and through the consciousness
which constitutes it as an object.



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