Ethic 145

Ethic 145

The Ethics of Psychoanalysis
精神分析伦理学

Jacques Lacan
雅克、拉康

XI
第11章

ON THE SUBJECT OF BERNFELD
论泼费德的主体

THE VACUOLE AND THE INHUMAN PARTNER
身体罅隙与非人的伴侣

NEGOTIATING THE DETOUR
谈判妥协

3
What interests us here very probably emerged in the middle or at the beginning
of the eleventh century, and continued into the twelfth or even, in Germany,
to the beginning of the thirteenth. The phenomenon in question is
courtly love, its poets and singers, who were known as “troubadours” in the
South, as “trouveres” in the North of France, and as “Minnesanger” in the
Germanic realm – England and parts of Spain were only involved at second
hand. These games were linked to a very precise poetic craft and emerged at
that moment, only to be eclipsed subsequently to the point where the following
centuries only retained a somewhat dim memory of them.

我们在此感到興趣的东西,可能出现在十一世纪的中业或开始,然后继续到十二世纪,或,甚至在德国,继续到十三世纪的开始。受到质疑的这个现象是骑士之爱,诗人及其咏唱歌手。他们被认识作为法国南部的「浪遊者troubadours」,在法国北部则是「旅行者”trouveres」,在德国领域则为Minnesanger”。英国与西班牙的部分地区仅是牵涉到次要部分。这些遊戏跟确实的诗的技艺有关系,它们在那个时刻出现。结果随后衰微到这个地步,以后的几个世纪仅有保留对它们相当模糊的观念。

At the high point, which stretches from the beginning of the eleventh century
to the first third of the thirteenth, the very special technique of these
courtly love poets played a highly important role. It is difficult for us today
to evaluate precisely the importance of that role, but certain circles – in the
courtly love sense, court circles, aristocratic circles – that occupied an elevated
position in society were certainly influenced markedly.

在最興盛时,它从十一世纪的开始,到十三世纪的前三分之一,这些骑士之爱的特别的技巧扮演非常重要的角色。我们今天很困难确实评估那个角色的重要性。但是某些的圈子,从骑士之爱的意义来说,宫廷圈,贵族圈,在社会中佔据一个崇高的地位,他们确实明显地受到影响。

The question as to whether there were, in fact, formal lessons in love has
been raised. The way in which Michel de Nostre-Dame, otherwise known as
Nostradamus, represents at the beginning of the fifteenth century the way in which juridical power was exercised by the Ladies – whose extravagant Languedocian
names he cites – cannot fail to excite a thrill in us at its strangeness.

事实上,关于爱的正式的教导这个问题,曾经被提出。米歇尔、德、诺斯达姆,别名诺斯特拉达姆斯,在十五世纪的开始,代表司法的权力被女士们运用,他引述她们的奢侈的无可伦比的名字。这种方式一定会引起我们产生奇特的興奋。

This is something that was faithfully reproduced by Stendhal in On
Love, an admirable work on the subject, and one that is very close to the
interest displayed by the romantics in the resurgence of the poetry of courtly
love, which was called Provengal at the time, but which was, properly speaking,
from the region of Toulouse or indeed from the Limousin.

有某件东西被史坦达尔在「论爱情」忠实地复制,这是一部令人崇拜的作品,探讨这个主题。它非常靠近在骑士之爱的诗的复兴,浪漫主义展示的興趣。在当时,骑士之爱被称为是地区之爱,适当地说,从Toulouse的地区,或确实从Limousin的地区。

The existence and operations of these tribunals devoted to the casuistry of
love and evoked by Michel de Nostre-Dame are open to debate and often
debated. Nevertheless, we do have certain texts, including especially the work
by Andreas Capellanus that Renouart discovered and published in 1917. The
shortened title is De Arte Amandi, which thus makes it a homonym of Ovid’s
treatise – a work that was passed down to posterity by the clergy.

这些聚会的存在与运作,专注于爱的伦理学,由米契尔、德、诺斯特拉达姆所召唤,公开接受争辩,而且时常被争辩。可是,我们确实有某些文本,包括特别是卡皮兰那斯的著作,雷诺特在1917年发现,而且予以出版。简缩的标题De Arte Amandi ,因此成为是奥维德的论文的同音异义字词—这一本著作由僧侣传下给后代。

This fourteenth-century manuscript that Renouart discovered in the Bibliotheque
Nationale gives us the text of judgments handed down by Ladies,
who are well-known historical figures and include Eleanor of Aquitaine. She
was successively – and this “successively” involved a great degree of personal
involvement in the unfolding drama – the wife of Louis VII the Younger and
Henry Plantagenet, whom she married when he was Duke of Normandy and
who subsequently became King of England, with all that that involved relative
to claims made on French territory. Then there was her daughter, who
married a certain Henry I, Count of Champagne, and still others who were
historical figures. In Capellanus’s work they are all said to have participated
in tribunals devoted to the casuistry of love, and such tribunals all presuppose
perfectly coded points of reference that are by no means vague, but imply ideals to be pursued, of which I will give you some examples.

雷诺特Bibliotheque Nationale 发现的这个十四世纪的原稿,给我们这个判断的文本,由「女士们」传递下来。她们是著名的历史人物,包括Eleanor of Aquitaine.。 她接二连三地,这种「接二连三」牵涉到不同程度的个人的牵涉到展开的戏剧。路易七世的妻子,这位年轻的亨利、普兰塔尼特,但他是诺曼地的公爵时,她嫁给他。他随后成为英国的国王。因此牵涉到对法国队领土的主张。因此,还有她的女儿,嫁给亨利一世,章培尼的伯爵。还有其他的历史的人物。在卡普兰那斯的著作,她们据说曾经参与各种专注于讨论爱的伦理学的聚会。这些聚会预先假设决非的模糊的完美符码的指称点,但是暗示着要被追求的理想。我将给予你们一些例子。

It doesn’t matter whether we take them from the Southern French domain
or the German domain except as far as the signifier is concerned, which in
the former case is the “langue d’oc” and in the latter the German language –
this is after all a poetry written in the vernacular. Except for the signifier,
then, the terms overlap, repeat each other; both involve the same system.
They are organized around diverse themes, the first of which is mourning,
and even mourning unto death.

是否我们获得它们是从法国南部的领域,或是从德国的领域,并不重要,除了就能指而言,在前者的情况,是法国方言,在后者是德国的语言。毕竟,这是用俚语写作的诗。除了这个能指,这些术语重叠,互相重复。两者都牵涉到相同的系统。它们环绕各种的主题组织,第一个主题是哀悼,甚至哀悼到死亡。

As one of those put it who at the beginning of the nineteenth century in
Germany formulated its characteristics, the point of departure of courtly love
is its quality as a scholastics of unhappy love. Certain terms define the register
according to which the Lady’s values are attained – a register indicated by
the norms which regulate the exchanges between the partners of the strange
rite, namely, reward, clemency, grace or Gnade, felicity. So as to imagine the
extremely ratified and complex organization concerned, think of the seventeenth-
century Map of Love (Carte du Tendre), although what one finds there
is a far more pallid version; the précieuses, too, at another historical moment placed the emphasis on a certain social art of conversation.

在德国,十九世纪的开始,其中有一位阐释它的特性,骑士之爱的出发,它的特质作为不快乐的爱的研究。某些的术语定义这个铭记,依照这个铭记,女士们的价值被获得。由这些命名指示的铭记,它们规范伴侣之间的交换奇特的仪式,换句话说,就是酬劳,宽容,恩典,或是幸福。为了想象这个极端被认可与复杂的相关的组织,请你们想象十七世纪的爱的地图,虽然我们在那里找到的是更加苍白的版本。在另外的历史的时刻,「宝剑之王」也强调某种的社会的交谈的艺术。

With courtly love things are all the more surprising because they emerge
at a time when the historical circumstances are such that nothing seems to
point to what might be called the advancement of women or indeed their
emancipation. To give you an idea of the situation, I would just refer to the
story of the Countess of Comminges, the daughter of a certain William of
Montpellier, that took place at the time of the full flowering of courtly love.

用骑士之爱,事情更加令人惊奇,因为他们出现在当历史的情况是如此糟糕,以致没有一样东西指向可能所谓的女人的进步,或是她们的解放。为了给予你们这个情况的观念,我仅是提到康敏思女伯爵的故事。她是蒙皮里尔的维廉的女儿。那个故事发生在骑士之爱的最为盛行的时代。

There was a certain Peter of Aragon, who was King of Aragon and was
ambitious to extend his power north of the Pyrenees in spite of the obstacle
raised at the time by the first historical campaign of the north against the
south, namely, in the form of the Albigensian crusade and Simon de Montfort’s
victories over the Counts of Toulouse. By reason of the fact that the
lady in question was the natural heir upon the death of her father of the
county of Montpellier, Peter of Aragon wanted her. She was, however, already
married, and seems to have been someone who was not cut out to involve
herself in sordid intrigues. She was of a highly reserved personality, not far
from sainthood in the religious sense of the word, since it was at Rome that
she ended her days with a reputation for saintliness. Political intrigue and the
pressure of the noble Lord Peter of Aragon forced her to leave her husband.
Papal intervention obliged the latter to take her back, but on her father’s
death, everything happened in accordance with the will of the powerful Lord.
She was repudiated by her husband, who was used to such things, and she
married Peter of Aragon, who proceeded to mistreat her to such a degree that
she fled. And that is why she finished her days in Rome under the protection
of the Pope, who turned out to be on occasion the only protector of persecuted
innocence.

有某位阿拉甘的彼得,他说阿拉甘的国王。他心怀野心,要在派瑞尼斯扩展他的权力,尽管当时遭遇的阻碍,由于历史上第一次北方反对南方的运动。换句话说,用阿比吉新人的十字军东征,及西门、德、蒙福特的战胜道劳斯公爵。由于这个事实:受到质疑的这位女士在蒙皮里尔郡的父亲死亡之后,是自然的继承人,阿拉甘的彼得想要她。可是,她已经结婚,而且似乎她的个性并不适合牵涉入卑鄙的阴谋。她的人格非常保守,从宗教意义而言,跟圣女相距不远。因为在罗马,她结束她的一生,拥有圣女的名声。政治的阴谋与阿拉甘的贵族公爵彼得的压力,迫使她离开她的丈夫。教皇的介入强迫后者将她带回。但是在她的父亲死亡之时,每件事情发生,都依照这位具有权力的公爵的遗嘱。她被她的丈夫摒弃,那是他的习惯之举。她嫁给阿拉甘的彼得。他继续虐待她,直到她逃离。那就是为什么她在罗马结束她的一生,在教皇的保护之下。教皇有时证明是受到迫害的纯真者的唯一保护者。

The style of this story simply shows the effective position of woman in
feudal society. She is, strictly speaking, what is indicated by the elementary
structures of kinship, i.e., nothing more than a correlative of the functions
of social exchange, the support of a certain number of goods and of symbols
of power. She is essentially identified with a social function that leaves no
room for her person or her own liberty, except with reference to her religious
rights.

这个故事的风格仅是显示:在封建的社会,女人的实际地位。严格来说,她的情境由亲属关系的基本结构来指示。也就是,她仅是社会交换的功用的相关,某些善行与权力象征的支持。她基本上认同于社会的功用,这个功用并没有留给她的人格或她自己的自由的空间,除了提到她的宗教的权利。

It is in this context that the very curious function of the poet of courtly
love starts to be exercised. It is important to recall his social situation, which
is of a kind to throw a little light on the fundamental idea or graphic style
that Freudian ideology can give to a fashion whose function the artist manages
in a way to delay.

在这个文本内容,骑士之爱的诗人的耐人寻味的功用,开始被运用。重要的是要回想起他的社会的情况。这种社会的情况很适合来启明这个基本的观念,或弗洛依德的意识形态能够给予的生动的风格,艺术家成功地用某种方式拖延这个方式的功用。

Satisfactions of power are involved, Freud tells us. That is why it is all the
more remarkable to emphasize that in the whole collection of Minnesange,
there are numerous poets who occupy positions that are not inferior to those
of emperor, king, or prince. There are, in fact, 126 Minnesange in the Manes manuscript collection, which was in the Bibliothique Nationale in Paris at the
beginning of the nineteenth century, and which Heinrich Heine used to go
and pay homage to, as if to the very beginnings of German poetry. But after
1888, as the result of negotiations I know nothing about, but that were certainly
justified, it was given back to the Germans and is now in Heidelberg.

弗洛依德告诉我们,权力的满足被牵涉到。那就是为什么这是更加引人注意,要强调,米尼桑吉的整个的文集,有无数的诗人佔据这些位置,地位不亚于皇帝,国王,或王子的地位。事实上,在曼尼斯原稿的文集,有126位的米尼桑吉。那文集是在十九世纪的开始,巴黎的「国家索引」。海因瑞奇、海因过去对这套「国家索引」表示敬意。好像它是德国诗的开始。但是1888年之后,作为协商的结果,详情我并不知道,但是那些协商确实能自圆其说,这本「国家索引」归还给德国人,现在存放在海德堡。

The first of the troubadours was a certain Guillaume de Poitiers, the seventh
Count of Poitiers and ninth Duke of Aquitaine. Before he devoted himself
to his early poetic activities in the sphere of courtly love poetry, he appears
to have been a formidable brigand of the kind that, goodness knows, every
right-minded feudal nobleman of the period seems readily to have been. In a
number of historical situations that I won’t go into, he can be seen to have
behaved in conformity with the norms of the most barbarous practice of ransom.
That was the kind of service one could expect from him. Then, from a

第一位遊唱诗人是盖拉美、德、宝提尔,是宝提尔的第七代公爵,阿奎泰因的第九代伯爵。在他致力于骑士之爱的诗的领域,他的早期的诗的活动之前,他似乎曾经当国可怕的绿林强盗,天晓得,在那个时期的心地高尚的封建贵族似乎都曾经经历过。在许多的历史的情况,我就不探究了,人家看待他行为是符合当时勒索赎金的野蛮作法。那就是我们能够期望他所作的服务。因此,从某个特别的时刻开始,他变成独特的爱的形式的诗人。

I urge you right away to read those specialized works that contain a thematic
analysis of the veritable love ritual which was involved. The question
is, How should we situate it as analysts?

我建议你们立刻阅读那些专门的著作,包括对于牵涉到的可验证的爱的仪式的主题的分析。这个问题是,我们应该如何定位它,作为精神分析家?

I will just mention in passing a book that is somewhat depressing in the
way it solves problems by neatly avoiding them, although it is full of material
and quotations, namely, The Joy of Love by Pierre Perdu, which was published
by Plon. Another work of a very different type, since it deals less with
courtly love than its historical relations, is also worth reading, and that is the
nice little collection of Benjamin Perret, which, without explaining very well
what it’s about, he has called The Anthology of Sublime Love. Then there is
Rene Nelli’s book, published by Hachette, Love and the Myths of the Heart,
in which I find a certain philogenic moralism along with a lot of facts. And
finally you have Henry Corbin’s The Creative Imagination from Flammarion;
however, it goes much further than the limited domain that interests us today.

我将仅是顺便提到相当令人沮丧的一本书。因为它採用完全避免它们的方式来解决问题。虽然它充满材料与引言,皮尔、博度写的「爱的欢乐」由普隆出版。还有另外一本不同类型的著作,因为它比较不是在处理骑士之爱,而是在处理它的历史的关系。它也值得阅读。那就是班杰明、培瑞特的美好小文集。他并没有清楚地解释骑士之爱是什么,他称之为「崇高之爱的文集」。因此有一本哈查特出版的瑞尼、内利的书「爱与心的神话」。在这本书,我发现某种的崇慕女人的道德主义,以及许多的事实。最后,你们还有弗拉马瑞安出版的亨利、科斌的「创造性的想象」。可是,它探究的幅度,比我们今天感到興趣的狭窄领域还要更加深入。

I am not going to expatiate on the obvious themes of this poetry, both for
lack of time and because you will find them in the examples in which I will
show what might be called their conventional origin. On this subject all the
historians agree: courtly love was, in brief, a poetic exercise, a way of playing
with a number of conventional, idealizing themes, which couldn’t have any
real concrete equivalent. Nevertheless, these ideals, first among which is that
of the Lady, are to be found in subsequent periods, down to our own. The
influence of these ideals is a highly concrete one in the organization of contemporary
man’s sentimental attachments, and it continues its forward march.
Moreover, march is the right word because it finds its point of origin in a
certain systematic and deliberate use of the signifier as such.

我并不想要详述这种诗的明显的主题,一方面时间不足,另一方面,因为你们将会在这些例子中发现它们。在里面,我们将显示所谓的它们的传统的起源。针对这个主题,所有的历史学家都同意,总之,骑士之爱是诗意的运作,一种遊戏的方式,玩弄许多传统的理想化的主题。这些主题不可能有任何真实的具体的相等语。可是,这些理想,其中最早出现的是这位女士的理想,它们能够被找到,在随后的时期,一直到我们自己的时代。这些理想的影响是非常具体的影响,在当代人的情感的依恋的组织。它继续它的前进。而且,这种前进是正确的字词,因为它找到它的起源点,用某种系统化与刻意的使用能指本身。

A great deal of effort has been expanded to demonstrate the relationship
between this apparatus or organization of the forms of courtly love and an
intuition that is religious in origin, mystical for example, and that is supposed to be located somewhere in the center that is sought, in the Thing, which
comes to be exalted in the style of courtly love. Experience has shown that
this whole effort is condemned to failure.

许多的努力被扩展来证明这个关系,骑士之爱的形式的这个工具或组织,与起源是宗教的,譬如是神秘的直觉之间的关系。它被认为被定位在被寻求1的中心,在「物象」的中心。这个「物象」逐渐被推崇,在骑士之爱的风格。经验曾经显示,整个的努力注定是失败。

On the level of the economy of the reference of the subject to the love
object, there are certain apparent relationships between courtly love and foreign
mystical experiences, Hindu or Tibetan, for example. As everyone knows,
Denis de Rougemont made a great deal of this, and that is why I told you to
read Henry Corbin’s book. There are nevertheless serious difficulties and
even critical impossibilities involved, if only because of dates. The themes in
question among certain Moslem poets from the Iberian peninsula, for example,
appear after Guillaume de Poitier’s poetry.

在主体提到爱的客体的活动的层次,有某些显而易见的关系,在骑士之爱与外来的神秘的经验之间的关系。譬若,印度教,或西藏的神秘经验。如同众所周知,丹尼斯、德、劳吉曼非常重视这点。那就是为什么我告诉你们要阅读亨利、科斌的书。可是,会有严重的困难,甚至牵涉到严重的不可能,假如仅是因为日期。受到质疑的这些主题,譬如,在出身于艾伯林半岛某些回教诗人当中,它们出现,跟随在盖劳梅、德、博提尔的诗之后。

Of interest to us from a structural point of view is the fact that an activity
of poetic creation was able to exercise a determining influence on manners at
a time – and subsequently in its historical consequences – when the origin
and the key concepts of the whole business had been forgotten. But we can
only judge the function of this sublimated creation in features of the structure.
The object involved, the feminine object, is introduced oddly enough through
the door of privation or of inaccessibility. Whatever the social position of him
who functions in the role, the inaccessibility of the object is posited as a point
of departure. Some of those involved were, in fact, servants, sirvens, at their place
of birth; Bernard de Ventadour was, for example, the son of a servant
at Ventadour castle, who was also a troubadour.

从结构的观点,我们感到興趣的是这个事实:一个诗意创造的活动能够产生一个决定性的影响,对于某个时代的行为方式—随后在它的历史的结果。当整个事情的起源与关键观念已经被忘记。但是我们仅能够判断这个升华的创造的功用,在这个结构的特征。被牵涉的客体,女性的客体,足够奇特地被介绍,通过被剥夺或是无法靠近的门槛。无论在这个角色扮演的社会立场是什么,这个客体的不可靠近被提出,作为一个出发点。事实上,有些牵涉到的人物,在他们出生的地位是仆人。譬如,博纳、德、范塔道是范塔道城堡的仆人的儿子,他也是遊唱诗人。

It is impossible to serenade one’s Lady in her poetic role in the absence of
the given that she is surrounded and isolated by a barrier.

要跟自己的心爱女士献唱求爱诗歌,在她的诗意的角色,那是不可能的,
若非是因为这个欠缺,她被一种阻碍环绕及孤立的情境。

Furthermore, that object or Domnei, as she is called – she is also frequently
referred to with the masculine term, Mi Dom, or my Lord – this Lady is
presented with depersonalized characteristics. As a result, writers have noted
that all the poets seem to be addressing the same person.

而且,如她所被称为的那个客体Domnei—她也时常被提到,用男性的术语Mi Dom,或我的主人。这位女士被呈现,带着除掉人格化的特性。结果,作家曾经注意到,所有的诗人似乎都在针对这位相同的人演说。

The fact that on occasion her body is described as g”ra delgai e gen – that
means that plumpness was part of the sex appeal of the period, e gen signifying
graceful – should not deceive you, since she is always described in that
way. In this poetic field the feminine object is emptied of all real substance.
That is what made it easy subsequently for a metaphysical poet such as Dante,
for example, to choose a person whom we definitely know existed – namely,
little Beatrice whom he fell for when she was nine years old, and who stayed
at the center of his poetry from the Vita Nuova to The Divine Comedy – and
to make her the equivalent of philosophy or indeed, in the end, of the science
of the sacred. That also enabled him to appeal to her in terms that are all the
more sensual because the person in question is close to allegory. It is only
when the person involved is transformed into a symbolic function that one is
able to speak of her in the crudest terms.

有时,她的身体被描述作为是g”ra delgai e gen ,意思是,肥胖是当时的性的吸引魅力,e gen 意味着高雅,不应该欺骗你。因为她总是以那个方式被描述。在这个诗意的领域,女性的客体被掏空掉所有的实在界的物质。那就是为什么随后会很容易让像但丁这样的形上学诗人,选择一个人,我们明确知道存在的人,换句话说,他爱慕的这位小壁特瑞思,当她九岁时。她一直是他诗的中心,从
Vita Nuova 到神曲The Divine Comedy,让她成为是哲学的相等语,或是在最后,成为是神圣者的智慧的相等语。那也让他用更加性感的术语像她求爱,因为受到质疑的这个人迹近于是寓言。仅有当牵涉的这个人被转变成为是一个象征的功用,我们才能够用大略的术语提到她。

Here we see functioning in the pure state the authority of that place the
instinct aims for in sublimation. That is to say, that what man demands, what
he cannot help but demand, is to be deprived of something real. And one of
you, in explaining to me what I am trying to show in das Ding, referred to it
neatly as the vacuole.

在此,我们看见在升华当中,本能的目标的那个位置的权威,在纯粹的状况发挥功用。换句话说,人们所要求的东西,他情不自禁要求的东西,是要被剥夺掉某件真实的东西。你们其中一位,在跟我们解释我正在尝试显示物象的东西,他提到它,纯粹是当著罅隙。

I don’t reject the word, although its charm derives from the virtual reference
to histology. Something of that order is, in effect, involved, if we indulge
in that most risque of reveries associated with contemporary speculation that
speaks of communication in connection with transmission inside organic
structures – transmission that functions pseudopodically. Of course, there is
no communication as such. But if in a monocellular organism such communication
were organized schematically around the vacuole, and concerned the
function of the vacuole as such, we could, in fact, have a schematic form of
what concerns us in the representation.

我并不排斥这个字词,虽然它的吸引力是从虚拟地提到历史学的获得。事实上,那个秩序的某件东西被牵涉到,假如我们耽溺于那跟当代的推想的幻想的性的淫乱,关于有机体的结构内部传递的讯息,一时过度滋长发挥的传递。当然,并没有像这样的沟通传递。但是假如在一个单一细胞的有机体,这样的沟通的基模的组织,环绕这个罅隙,并且跟这个罅隙的本身的功用相关。事实上,在符号再现,我们能够拥有一个跟我们息息相关的基模的形式。

Where, in effect, is the vacuole created for us? It is at the center of the
sigmfiers – insofar as that final demand to be deprived of something real is
essentially linked to the primary symbolization which is wholly contained in
the signification of the gift of love.

事实上,我们被给予创造的这个罅隙在哪里?就在能指的中心。因为那个最后的要求被剥夺掉某件实在的东西,基本上跟最初的符号象征息息相关。这个最初的符号象征完全被包括在爱的礼物的意义里。

In this connection I was struck by the fact that, in the terminology of
courtly love, the word domnei is used. The corresponding verb is domnoyer,
which means something like “to caress,” “to play around.” Domnei, in spite
of the fact that its first syllable in French is an echo of the word “don,” gift,
is, in fact, unrelated to it. It is related instead to the Domna, the Lady, or in
other words, to her who on occasion dominates.

关于这点,我对这个事实感到印象深刻。在骑士之爱的术语,domnei 这个字词被使用。对应的这个动词是domnoyer,那意味着某件像是「爱抚」「玩弄」。尽管这个事实,Domnei,在它的法文的第一个音节,是礼物”don,”的迴响。事实上,那跟它并没有关系。代替的,它是跟这个女士Domna有关系,或者换句话说,跟有时支配的她有关系。

That has its amusing side. And one should perhaps explore historically the
quantity of metaphors that exist around the term “dormer,” to give, in courtly
love. Can “donner” be situated in the relationship between the partners as
something that is predominantly on one side or the other? It has perhaps no
other cause than the semantic confusion produced in connection with the
term domnei and the use of the word domnoyer.

那有它的有趣的一面。我们或许从历史探索隐喻的数量,环绕在骑士之爱,「给予”dormer,」这个术语存在的隐喻。”donner”能够被定位在这个关系吗?处于伴侣作为某件在某边,或另外一边佔优势的东西之间的关系?它或许并没有其他原因,除了就是语意的混淆被产生,关于domnei 的这个术语,与 domnoyer这个字词的使用。

The poetry of courtly love, in effect, tends to locate in the place of the
Thing certain discontents of the culture. And it does so at a time when the
historical circumstances bear witness to a disparity between the especially
harsh conditions of reality and certain fundamental demands. By means of a
form of sublimation specific to art, poetic creation consists in positing an
object I can only describe as terrifying, an inhuman partner.

骑士之爱的诗倾向于在这个「物象」的位置找到文化的某些不满。它表现在历史的情境见证到一个差异,处于现实的特别严苛的情况,于某些基本的要求之间。凭借艺术特有的升华的形式,诗的创造在于提出一种客体,我仅能够描述,作为是令人恐惧,一种非人性的伴侣。

The Lady is never characterized for any of her real, concrete virtues, for
her wisdom, her prudence, or even her competence. If she is described as
wise, it is not because she embodies an immaterial wisdom or because she
represents its functions more than she exercises them. On the contrary, she
is as arbitrary as possible in the tests she imposes on her servant.

这位女士被表现的特性,从来就不是因为她的任何真实,具体的品德,因为她的智慧,她的谨慎,或甚至她的能幹。即使它被描述为智慧,那并不是因为她具体表现一个抽象的智慧,或是因为她代表它的功用,超过于她运用它们。相反地,她尽可能地随性而为,在她赋加给她的仆人的考验。

The Lady is basically what was later to be called, with a childish echo of the original ideology, “cruel as the tigers of Ircania.” But you will not find
the extreme arbitrariness of the attitude expressed any better than among the
authors of the period themselves, Chrltien de Troyes, for example.

这位女士基本上是后来所被称为的「像艾槛尼亚的老虎那么残酷」,带着原初的意识形态的幼稚迴响。但是你们将会发现这个极端的态度的随意性被表达,在那个时期的作者本身最为淋漓尽致,譬如,奇瑞丁、德、特洛伊。

雄伯译
32hsiung@pchome.com.tw
https://springhero.wordpress.com

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